Türkiye is preparing for an election that will mark a turning point in its history. The outcome of the 2023 parliamentary and presidential elections will, in a sense, force the rest of the world to keep an eye and ear here, considering it stands to affect the country's domestic and international political landscape, as well as the future of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), which has been in office for the past 21 years.

As President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan himself remarked the day he outlined – May 14, 2023 – for the vote, May 14, 1950, elections were the first thing that popped into the collective consciousness. While this instance, which is intriguing for both Türkiye and the international community, contains for many both the phenomenon of coincidence and hope, the upcoming election is certain to have historic significance, much like May 14, 1950.

So what happened on May 14, 1950?

May 14, 1950, marked a crucial turning point in Türkiye's political history. On that fateful day, the Democrat Party (DP) won the general elections and effectively ended the Republican People's Party's (CHP) one-party dominance of more than 20 years while introducing the nation to a new age of multiparty democracy and political pluralism.

The CHP, which had ruled Türkiye since it was created in 1923, had a monopoly on the political scene before the 1950 elections. To modernize and Westernize Türkiye, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the CHP leader and founder, implemented numerous changes, including several advances in fostering secularism and empowering women, legal regulations and even a new alphabet system. But toward the end of the 1940s, Turkish citizens started searching for alternative political options as they grew disenchanted with the CHP's policies.

The DP, led by Adnan Menderes, grew as a strong challenger to the CHP. The party promoted a more populist and socially democratic style of government, promoting topics like social justice, economic advancement, and democratic changes. The DP's message resonated with many Turkish residents who were tired of the CHP's authoritarian tactics, and the party was able to attract a sizable supporter base, especially from rural areas.

The fierce rivalry between the CHP and the DP, in which both parties utilized harsh and frequently divisive rhetoric, during the 1950 election campaign left its mark. The DP accused the CHP of being out of touch with the demands and worries of the Turkish people, while the CHP attempted to portray the DP as the party of "reactionaries" and "fascists."

Despite the CHP's efforts to damage the DP's reputation, the DP won the election with a landslide of 50.2%, while the CHP only obtained 39.5% of the vote. The DP's triumph in the countryside, where it received the highest share of votes, was particularly noteworthy, particularly in light of the considerable support the CHP historically had from this region.

The DP's victory in the 1950 elections marked the start of a new era in Turkish politics. Menderes and Celal Bayar – the party's leaders – enacted a number of measures to enhance the quality of life, including the creation of a comprehensive social security system, an increase in funding for public education, and encouragement of economic growth. For many Turkish individuals, especially in rural areas, these initiatives were welcomed as major improvements in their standards of living.

The DP government at the time, however, was not free of accusations of anti-democratic behavior due to its conservative and entrenched structure. In addition to pursuing a pro-West strategy, the DP improved Türkiye's ties with NATO and the United States, a strategy that grew objections for "being against national interests."

As such, political divisiveness grew during the DP's rule and clashes between the DP backers and opponents culminated in nationwide unrest and ultimately led to a military takeover in 1960. Menderes, Fatin Rüştü Zorlu and Hasan Polatkan – the government's three top officials – were tried by coup plotters and handed death sentences after being found guilty on 13 separate accounts, including "constitutional violation."

The coup had a profound, rippling effect that left a stain on the country's democratic past.

In terms of Türkiye's centurylong history, the 2023 elections are at least as significant as the 1950 elections, especially following Türkiye's adoption of the presidential system of government in a 2018 referendum that brought another fundamental change to Turkish politics. The current one-man government was in place for the first time following the 1950 elections and this change undoubtedly did not have an easy impact.

Due to issues like the economic crisis, recovery from the disastrous Feb. 6 earthquakes, conflicts on the Syrian border, terrorist attacks, the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), relations with the European Union, and the 2023 elections, Türkiye is confronted with numerous problems on its domestic and foreign fronts and the May 14 will force the nation to make a significant decision in regards to both.

Parallels and discrepancies

Similarities

Democracy: The 1950 and 2023 elections are both a part of Türkiye's democratic processes. As in 1950, voters in 2023 too will have the right to cast their ballots in an independent and transparent atmosphere.

Political rivalry: Both elections come with several political parties to choose from. DP and the CHP were in the arena in the the1950 elections, and CHP will still be among many other parties that will be on the ballot this year.

Public opinion: Just like in 1950, the 2023 vote too has sparked a lot of public attention for putting the country's future at stake.

Differences

Community change: Türkiye's society was more rural in 1950 and agricultural laborers made up the bulk of the electorate, but the population has since then has become more urbanized and the majority of voters are employed in the service and manufacturing industries.

Political ideologies: In the runup to the 1950 polls, the DP wielded more conservative rhetoric, while the CHP stayed loyal to its secular ideology. This year's electoral campaigns highlight a discernible warming from the CHP side towards conservative values in a bid to attract AK Party's traditional voter base but political ideas will still diverge.

Electoral system: The open ballot and secret count methods were used for the 1950 elections, whereas the 2023 elections will employ the closed ballot and open count approach.

Number of voters: There were 7.5 million eligible voters in the 1950 elections; in 2023, this number is close to 60 million.

Technology: Vote tallying in the 1950 elections was done manually while computerized systems will expedite vote counting in 2023.

Meanwhile, for the upcoming election, the main opposition party CHP and five smaller parties have formed a coalition to expand their reach and garner more votes against the administration, particularly from the conservatives, and are promising to return Türkiye to a parliamentary system. According to opposition circles, political stability can be improved by the six parties working together to run the nation, with seven vice presidents to aid the president in their proposed new government. This mechanism is a technique used to settle disputes between political groups of differing perspectives.

Six-party politics, according to the majority of experts, has drawbacks. The government's decision-making process may be slowed down by the need for protracted conversations to resolve conflicts among political parties. Furthermore, collaboration among six political parties can lead to some of them prioritizing their own interests over national objectives.

Türkiye is committed to controlling its own fate in light of all these facts and the developments that pockmarked recent political history. The six-party coalition denies it, and according to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the parties are pursuing their "selfish" interests.

Nevertheless, the bloc officially announced CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu as a presidential candidate, someone who has never won an election in the past 12 years against Erdoğan, who in contrast has never lost one since 2002.

Opinion polls, which have already begun circulating to discern general political direction, indicate it will be a tight race.