The reality behind the complex issue of sub-Saharan migrants’ despair shows how this human tragedy has become a serious national security concern for both North African and Southern European countries. In fact, this issue needs to be tackled with wise and genuine long-term public policies, as it is a humanitarian matter. The sub-Saharan journey through harsh desert conditions and the illegal crossings from Maghreb countries – Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania and Morocco – to the Italian and Spanish shores on deathboats are all part of this crisis.
The roots, however, go beyond a simple geographical and demographic movement of people from the south to the north due to harsh climates, economic conditions and even famine, social injustice and political impasse. For decades, Southern European countries, particularly France, have been using people from sub-Saharan Africa and notably the Maghreb countries as a reservoir of labor. But in recent years, the migrant question has started to take the decision-makers, politicians, media and even elites in the departure, transit and host countries by surprise.
Sub-Saharan migrants have been arriving in the Maghreb countries and continuing their dangerous journey to cross illegally into Europe. This permanent journey is full of unknown risks for them, including human trafficking, terrorist group recruitment and drug smuggling. Therefore, these human and socioeconomic imperatives need to be addressed by first raising awareness among the transit and host societies, followed by coordination between local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and authorities in those countries and finally, the implementation of well-studied humanitarian programs in terms of protection, integration and post-integration, according to the 1951 Geneva Convention on migrant protection.
The migrant question has societal cohesion ramifications for the entire social and cultural structure of the transit North African and European host countries. This is the argument used by right-wing and far-right politicians, the media and voters. In this context, for instance, in North African countries, bold measures such as public policies, awareness campaigns in elementary schools and mosques and the role of mainstream media to report fairly on such a complex issue are crucial. The consequences of neglecting this issue feed hate speech and violence. It is important not to let xenophobic politicians and irresponsible media exploit the migrant question, as seen in France and Italy.
For instance, Tunisia has been increasingly becoming a destination for migrants and asylum seekers. The EU has been working to protect migrants and refugees and support local communities in the country, while also promoting legal migration pathways and reducing irregular departures. At the same time, the EU is taking measures to empower border management and combat human trafficking and smuggling.
Last month, at a summit in Brussels, EU leaders discussed setting up “return hubs” – processing and detention centers in countries outside the bloc. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said talks on how these hubs might work would continue. The summit’s final statement reflected the bloc’s firm new stance on migration, calling for “determined action at all levels to facilitate, increase and speed up returns from the EU using all relevant EU policies, instruments and tools.”
Yet, this position faces harsh criticism from human rights activists and left-wing parties in France. The new French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau, whose ideology leans toward far-right movements in Europe, is already pushing for tough measures toward migrants and illegal immigrants in France. Paris is facing a serious challenge from the Maghreb countries, notably Algeria and Tunisia, on the issue of OQTF (the obligation to leave French territory).
The decision to remove or oblige someone to leave French territory is made by the préfet, particularly in the event of refusal to issue a residence permit or irregular stay in France. The decision obliges the concerned individual to leave France voluntarily within 30 days. In some cases, it may also compel the person to leave immediately.
Algeria and Tunisia have not been cooperative on this matter, according to French authorities and media. France is pushing for a model similar to that of Albania. European countries like Italy, France, Austria and Germany have engaged with Tunisia and Egypt under Frontex deals to manage the migrant issue abroad.
In December 2018, the Global Compact for Migration in Marrakech was the first serious attempt to resolve the modern migrant crisis at an international level. Signed by a majority of U.N. members, it was hampered by vocal discontent from the U.S. and several European countries. These governments, wary of ceding aspects of their sovereignty, rejected it, despite the pact being non-binding. However, the pact remains one of the best models available for North African states.
Due to the lack of a coherent migration policy in North African, and particularly the Maghreb countries, this complex issue has been continuously used as a political tool by far-right parties in Europe – particularly in Italy, France, and more recently, in Germany and Scandinavian countries. Experts on migration issues have repeatedly questioned whether programs like the EU-based asylum system, offshore hubs or migrant hot spots could ever be legal measures under international law, as seen with Albania's programs, which are facing legal challenges due to territorial jurisdiction issues.
The U.K.’s offshore deportation program to Rwanda demonstrated the challenges of such measures. Now, EU countries are dealing with the issue through bilateral approaches. For example, Germany opened programs last summer with Morocco, Tajikistan and Afghanistan (despite no diplomatic ties between Berlin and Kabul, with Dushanbe serving as a caretaker for diplomatic affairs between Kabul and Berlin).
France has chosen a similar path, negotiating with Morocco. In their announcement of a “solid, exceptional partnership,” the French interior minister and his Moroccan counterpart praised their efforts in migration cooperation and called for a broad plan. This plan seeks to address legal migration, fight irregular migration, cooperate on re-acceptance policies, prevent illegal departures, and strengthen coordination between source, transit and destination countries based on the principle of shared responsibility. France is also looking at the Italian model regarding migrants; migrants rescued in the Mediterranean by an Italian ship are scheduled to be disembarked in Albania.
Recently, Albania’s deal with Italy and a small-scale agreement between Denmark and Kosovo have made Albania and Kosovo eager to join the EU. However, it is unclear which non-EU countries might be willing to host such centers. Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni stated after the EU summit that there were “many countries looking at the Albania model," and several far-right leaders praised what Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof described as “a different mood in Europe.”
In conclusion, while irregular immigration to the EU has plummeted by more than 40% this year compared to 2023, the bloc’s tough approach reflects the success of far-right, anti-immigration parties who have dominated the narrative on migration in the media for the past decade. As a result, the issue requires bold, humanitarian policy actions, not political exploitation.
