The current protests in France, characterized by its heterogeneous nature, are fueled by deep-seated anger and the public's determination to make their voices heard. Essentially an extension of the "Yellow Vest" protests, the 2023 "social violent Hirak" (mobility) is a reaction to the government's social and financial reforms, which have enraged millions of anti-government, pro-business policy supporters.

Unfortunately, social tensions have once again turned into violent riots in Paris and other major French cities, with determined activists clashing with the police, who have responded with tear gas and water cannons. One may wonder why protests in France often turn violent, even during peaceful times.

Despite the ongoing cycle of social and political violence in France, there is a silver lining: It has brought to the forefront the critical issues of socio-economic inequality and political bankruptcy. The government, conventional political parties and labor union movements have all been implicated, highlighting the failure of the two pillars of a healthy democratic process: concentration and negotiation. President Emmanuel Macron has played a significant role in this by employing a "divide-and-conquer" strategy, which led to the implosion of the Socialist Party in 2017 and the explosion of the Republicans Party (LR) in 2022. His long-term ruling strategy, which involves imposing reforms in a "renaissance" costume, has failed to achieve its desired results.

Despite his hopes that the institutionalized intermediary bodies, such as labor unions and political parties, dead in 2018, Macron's unconventional governing style has only exacerbated the situation, further fueling public discontent. However, on his reelection night last year, he promised to govern differently for the next five years, but it remains to be seen if he can make good on this promise. Nevertheless, the ongoing protests have reunited labor union movements CGT-CFDT in a way that nobody had ever dreamed of, providing a glimmer of hope for a better future.

Arrogance, bad judgment

France's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine has had a significant impact on its economy and diplomacy. These external factors have only added to the frustration and anger of the French people, resulting in clashes between protesters and anti-riot police on the streets of Paris. This has left many in the left elite, politicians and media wondering about the government's ability to manage the situation.

A recent incident caught on tape by Le Monde paper highlights the growing tension between the government and the people. During a protest against the government's pension reform, several police officers were heard threatening young people arrested during the demonstration. This incident is just one example of the growing discontent with Macron's leadership style and his denial of the opposition and protest movements.

Macron’s state of denial toward the opposition in general and the protest movement, in particular, is creating an anti-Macron narrative in the entire story of Article 49-3 of the constitution. It’s a democratic denial for the union labor movement leaders CGT-CFDT alike, the other six unions in the union's alliance, and the left parties such as the France Unbowed (LFI). Hence, the 49-3 of the constitution has become the Apple of Discord of French political tragedy.

President Macron enjoyed a smooth political journey until the summer of 2018 when the "Benalla Scandal" rocked the political scene and gave birth to a revived opposition. The far-right party of Marine Le Pen capitalized on the scandal to position itself as a real alternative to Macron's policies. Although he is not currently concerned about his political future, President Macron is worried about his legacy and how history will remember him. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, the declining purchasing power of consumers, and the possibility of another Mai 68 are all adding to his worries. Despite this, Macron continues to blame the left for being obstructionist and the far right for being opportunistic.

Law-and-order doctrine

The far right is taking these law-and-order troubles as a lack of authority and vision incarnated by the president as an urban war for a catchy narrative political campaign in the next elections locally, regionally and eventually nationally if the president would opt for the French National Assembly dissolution in the coming months and the 2027 presidential election. Nevertheless, President Macron's political "new" paradigm found him cornered, incompetent and taking France to the unknown.

On that stance, President Macron and his weak government have been using a demonization tactic to discredit, and to some point criminalize, the protesters through the use of violence. Meanwhile, he is trying to not politicize the violent Hirak and thereby, using people’s social and economic anger for daily transactions between his government and the union labor movements at a time when he shut down all communication channels with the latter.

Their anger is not about simple social demands for a decent and better life. It has become, for a large majority of the protesters, a personal fight with Macron, and hence, toward the French institutions and eventually, the police, which still has the full support of the right and the far-right leaning elite, media, and political parties like the RN and Reconquest!

Causing some analysts and urban security experts to wonder about a faction of the pro-Yellow Vests movement during the 52 weekends protests in 2018-2019 in Paris like they are re-acting today about the violent mobility of thousands of anti-Macron reforms in France’s main cities like Paris, Lille, Lyon, Rennes, Toulouse, Marseille, and the town of Sainte-Soline. An interesting social class segment emerged from this violent Hirak: An apolitical movement that does not belong necessarily, or is affiliated with a classic political party.

Domestic security challenges, long-term stable society imperative

A new political phenomenon is making political analysts and urban insurgency experts quite anxious. This reveals France is in a deep socio-political crisis and is no longer divided between the wealthy class and the poor popular class, between the privileged social success and the have-not social struggle of metropolitan France. It’s a question of enough of old politics. Ironically, President Macron was elected in 2017 on this story narrative, via a book titled "Revolution," preaching to end the old world politics that poisoned French politics for decades.

Yet, politics, in general, is based on symbolism and myths. However, the Yellow Vest nebulous – lengthening of the ongoing violent Hirak – is unveiling the Macron administration’s incompetency and the biased press corporatist complacency.

These elements of political violence and rejection toward the political establishment in general and the president, in particular, had been orchestrated during President Macron’s first term. Yellow Vests and the anti-mask sentiment in most large and medium cities in France were protesting the anti-fiscal policies and COVID-19 measures of the central government. It’s an anti-system and political establishment movement that current international and domestic affairs did enflame.

In these conflictual relations between the president and the angry people, the latter is saying loudly that its movement is non-ideological and that their fight with a technocratic president would result in the bankruptcy of the classical political parties. Their alarmist discourse, despite the constancy of the far-right France Unbowed (RN) party, along with the rise of hate speech in the country that the French media played a major role in the banalization of verbal violence that turned physical and dangerous for a stable society.

In sum, neither the Yellow Vests, the far-right fringe nor the radical left groups shape the political discourse in France. It is the far-left movements, who are also capitalizing and positioning themselves as a vocal and physical alternative to the banalization of political violence, that are pushing further for a political crisis that France had never known in its post-modern political history. If Article 49-3 is the legal tool for Macron and his government to continue governing until 2027, the year 2023 in France looks like Mai 68 with worse social chaos and political impasse consequences.