The pro-PKK Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) led Labor and Freedom Alliance officially endorsed Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the head of the main opposition's Republican People's Party (CHP), last week. That they backed the main opposition leader was the worst-kept secret in Türkiye, but it is important to note that they justified their decision with reference to "the triumph against fascism in the most consequential election in the country’s political history."

It wasn’t a surprise to anyone that the above statement was made shortly after the PKK "commanders" in northern Iraq publicly endorsed the Nation Alliance and its presidential candidate.

Meanwhile, that alliance’s components, not to mention Kılıçdaroğlu, continue their silence – which is deeply troubling.

One might argue that politicians should not treat terrorists like legitimate counterparts by engaging with their political and ideological agenda. I wish that the situation were that simple!

The truth is that the HDP and the PKK, which support Kılıçdaroğlu, make the same demands: ending the replacement of elected mayors with independent trustees, the release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Abdullah Öcalan from prison, terminating imprisonments of PKK members, the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Iraq and Syria, aborting ongoing military operations, autonomy and rebuilding the republic on the basis of two founding peoples.

It is no secret either that the HDP cannot (or simply won’t) distance itself from the PKK.

Long list of radical demands

That long list of radical demands fuels concerns over the possibility of Kılıçdaroğlu’s victory and Türkiye’s future course. That the Good Party (IP) leadership, which used to insist that the HDP and the PKK were indistinguishable, would rather keep silent now adds insult to injury.

Taking advantage of the opposition’s interest-driven silence, PKK "leaders" take it upon themselves to address concerns over the possibility of "terrorists undermining the country’s territorial integrity."

Just last week, Murat Karayılan dared to claim that the PKK was after "democratic autonomy on the basis of an equal and free union of peoples" – rejecting the charge of separatism.

Even if one were to assume that the PKK "commanders" are being truthful, it is important to recall that "autonomy" has historically fueled separatist nationalism – even in Spain, whose neighbors do not harbor terrorists and despite the absence of foreign powers supporting the relevant armed group.

In contrast, the PKK presence in Iraq (and the United States-backed YPG in Syria) threatens to make "autonomy" positively catastrophic.

That the opposition leaders refuse to speak up, and PKK "commanders" keep making public statements that seriously intimidate the Turkish people. At this point, the opposition and its presidential candidate, Kılıçdaroğlu, cannot get away with failing to respond to PKK terrorists.

Meanwhile, Ali Babacan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, former AK Party members who formed their own parties and joined forces with the CHP, made interesting remarks about some of their members contesting the parliamentary election on the CHP ticket. Apparently, Davutoğlu’s aunt and some of Babacan’s supporters refuse to vote for the CHP and Kılıçdaroğlu over that movement’s dark history. Such confessions certainly attest to an undeniable truth.

At the same time, those politicians are ostensibly looking for ways to account for the outcome of the May 14 elections. They seem to be prepared to explain why their voters haven’t supported the CHP despite the main opposition party helping their candidates claim parliamentary seats.

A serious fight will break out among the Nation Alliance members if Kılıçdaroğlu ends up losing the presidential election. Everyone will point their fingers at everyone else. The IP's calls for picking an electable (read: non-Alevi) candidate will be treated like the elephant in the room. If Kılıçdaroğlu manages to win, in turn, the CHP establishment will highly likely launch a campaign to completely disarm the Future Party (GP), the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA), the Felicity Party (SP) and the Democratic Party (DP).

In the end, the leaders of those parties (who already cannot persuade their family members and supporters to vote for CHP) won’t be able to look their allies or voters in the eye. I would argue that Kılıçdaroğlu finds himself in the best possible position right now: Playing the Alevi card, he has already prepared himself for victory and defeat.