To who did the Kurdish people give their votes and why?


The rate of participation in Turkey's polls on March 30 was higher and support for the political system greater - an indication that the Turkish people do indeed want to resolve their problems through politics. However, Turkey's electoral map shows that the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) seem to be doing poorly. The election results showed that the voting potential of both the CHP and MHP were limited. The Peace and Democracy Party's (BDP) situation was the same. Only the AK Party was able to win nationwide votes from Edirne to Hakkari and from Muğla to Artvin.With some provincial and district municipalities, notably in big cities, the CHP looks like a coastal party. They have no presence in the east and Central Anatolia. The MHP's post-election view is similar to the CHP. They found support in some cities of Central Anatolia and coastal regions alone.Now, we should discuss the current situation of the BDP and other Kurdish parties. There were three parties with Kurdish identity in the recent local race: the BDP, the Free Cause Party (Hüda-Par) and the Rights and Freedoms Party (Hak-Par). I previously stated on March 21 that the local elections would pass similar to "the referendum of resolution process." The election results confirmed my argument. While the BDP won many provincial and district municipalities in Kurdish-majority cities, the AK Party received a significant vote percentage and came out on top in eastern regions. Indeed, these figures have not changed since 2002. More importantly, the Kurdish population showed their support for the reconciliation process and has chosen to live in the promised "common life." The most significant example was the AK Party's success in Hakkari with almost 30 percent of the vote. Hakkari is known as a stronghold of the BDP and PKK.Therefore, it is possible to regard the recent local race as a test for the BDP and the first election of the reconciliation process. Although the BDP was surrounded by "left-wing intellectuals," they carried out a rational election campaign by denouncing the dirty operation on Dec. 17. The co-leader of the BDP, Selahattin Demirtaş, once said, "If the anti-AKP front includes the Gülen Movement, the MHP and the CHP, we will not take part in. PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan already announced his refusal in his Nevruz statement."The BDP's approach did not increase the number of their supporters, however they won 10 seats with three metropolitan municipalities. It seems that the reconciliation process opened the way of politics.The HDP, which came to realize Öcalan's "Becoming a part of Turkey" project, did not find what they expected. As mentioned earlier, the HDP was only supported by Kurdish people living in big cities. Even if this project is rational, the HDP's political actors such as Sırrı Süreyya Önder and Ertuğrul Kürkçü are not influential in society.The local race further demonstrated the real situation of the Hüda-Par which emerged as a branch of the Kurdish-Hezbollah side. The Hüda-Par participated in local elections for the first time in 13 cities and 72 districts. However, the party was unable to win any municipalities and received 7.8 percent of the vote in its expected stronghold Batman, followed by 4.32 percent in Diyarbakır. The Hüda-Par only won 0.19 percent votes nationwide, which means that religious Kurds supported the AK Party.Finally, the third Kurdish party was the Hak-Par.Under the leadership of Kemal Burkay, one of the important names in Kurdish politics, the Hak-Par's current situation looks rather desperate. They did not receive any significant vote percentage, not only in eastern regions, but throughout Turkey.Kurdish politics once won 10 municipalities notably in Diyarbakır and Ağrı in the 1977 local elections.Although the competition of "politics and service" emerged after a 40-year delay seems agonizing, it indicates the significance of the reconciliation process.