Turkey's pursuit of democracy spanned almost two centuries. After the Charter of Alliance, through which the sultan had recognized the rights of local power holders or "Ayan" in 1808, and the Imperial Edict of Gülhane, which focused on the relations between the state and its subjects, introduced the notion of equal citizenship by treating Muslim and non-Muslim citizens equally under the rule of law. Thus, the reformation process of the state that had already begun in the military realm began to involve the administrative realm as well, thanks to the Imperial Edict. While the sultan and Ottoman authorities announced their loyalty to the edict, it was also seen as compatible with the canon law.
After the proclamation of the First Constitutional Period under the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the first constitutional and parliamentarian political process of the Ottomans had begun. Due to the constant state of war and internal turbulances of the state, however, the Parliament was soon abolished. Yet, after the 30-year-long absolute monarchy of Abdülhamid II, the Second Constitutional Period had begun and lasted until the fall of the empire itself after the end of World War I.
The establishment of the Republic per se was the product of the Turkish Parliament. Although the founding statesmen of the Republic endeavored for Turkey's transition to a multi-party system through two unsuccessful attempts of the 1930s, Turkey could not find a democratic political system until the early 1950s. In fact, a group of military and civil bureaucratic elite, who grasped the political power of the state during the final years of the Empire, had authoritatively ruled the new Republic for 30 years. As if inspired by the Jacobins of the French Revolution, they did not only deny the Ottoman legacy, but also stigmatized the fair rivalry of all political and social actors by labeling them as "anti-systemic."
While "public servants" literally monopolized the state, the ruling Republican People's Party (CHP) and the State had become one in which the provincial chairmen of the CHP would automatically assume the governors' posts.
When the administration of the state fell into the hands of the people immediately after holding the first fair democratic elections, the ruling political elite retook the political power through military interventions in a series of political events. Yet, after each of those coup d'états, people's demand for democracy triumphed; hence Turkey's "halting democracy."
Since the beginning of its coming to power, the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) has covered significant ground in democratic participation and welfare politics through Turkey's path to candidacy for the European Union.
Operating within the democratic structure, the ruling AK Party has proposed the presidential system as the resolution of state "dicephalism," which emerged from the popular election of the president. When the present formation of the assembly is taken into account, it seems that the AK Party's constitutional draft shall be taken into a referendum with the support of 330 votes by the members of Parliament. As a researcher, I believe that the electorate will most probably ratify the constitutional draft in question.
Monopolizing the central state institutions for 80 years, the opposition CHP reacts against the proposed presidential system as an "anti-systemic" constitutional draft. It is, however, obvious that the CHP grows apprehensive about yet another electoral victory of President Erdoğan.
In brief, it is crucial to emphasize the fact that the depth of a country's democratic experience determines the success of its political structure. And relying on her 200-year-long democratic tradition, the operation of Turkey's political structure will be, more or less, the same in parliamentary and presidential systems.
About the author
İhsan Aktaş is Chairman of the Board of GENAR Research Company. He is an academic at the Department of Communication at Istanbul Medipol University.
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