Turkey's Kurdish question has been one of its leading problems as the most important matter of the country since the foundation of the Republic. From the first years of the Republic, innumerous reports and briefs on the Kurdish question were prepared by leading statesmen, including Kazım Karabekir Pasha, President İsmet İnönü, President Celal Bayar and Rüştü Kaya, in which the same analyses were made. However, as no fundamental change occurred at the state level concerning the resolution of problems related to the Kurdish question, the themes that were mentioned in the first reports were repeated over and over again in the succeeding ones.
During the governments led by prime minister and president, Turgut Özal, despite significant ameliorations being realized in the region, the process of reconciliation of the Kurdish question, which was restricted mainly to economic development, ended with his unexpected death without having the opportunity to cover the political and cultural aspects of the problem. The predominant conviction of some journalists and opinion leaders has been that the political will, which murdered Özal, aimed at preventing him from resolving the Kurdish question.
When it came to power in 2002, the AK Party faced various economic, social and political challenges from economic recovery to the establishment of political stability and prevention of torture. Particularly, the AK Party had to abolish military tutelage, which had been ruling the country from the backstage since the 1960 coup. Through relying on Turkey's ongoing candidacy for membership in the European Union and the process of democratization, the AK Party succeeded in demilitarizing the country's politics.
After its triumph in the 2011 elections, the AK Party was determined to resolve the greatest and the most rooted problem of the country, i.e., the Kurdish question. By openly expressing that Kurds deserve a righteous peace and emphasizing in Diyarbakır for the first time the existence of the Kurdish question, the AK Party initiated the reconciliation process by also taking great political risks.
Turks and Kurds alike, who have peacefully coexisted for more than 1,000 years, welcome the reconciliation process of the Kurdish question. Ninety percent of Kurds and 70 percent of Turks endorse the process. Yet, the external powers that do not want a stronger Turkey without the hunchback of the Kurdish question have begun to resist the reconciliation process, first through the Gezi Park protests and then through the attempted coup of Dec. 17 that was carried out by the Gülen Movement. The ongoing sabotage of the reconciliation process could have not been more manifest.
When the candidate of the pro-Kurdish political party in the presidential elections embarked to collaborate with the White Turks, I became alarmed about the safety of the reconciliation process, simply because these dinosaurs of the old Turkey, just like the Zionists worldwide, enter into no cabal without making an overarching project of evil.The task of ending President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's political power and influence, which serves as the main architecture of the reconciliation process by taking the whole political risk on his shoulders, was assigned to HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş.
Both the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) believe that the political power of the AK Party can only be abolished if the HDP passes the 10 percent election threshold to enter Parliament. In this respect, the Gülen Movement, which cooperates with various intelligence services, provides the intellectual logistics and psychological warfare of the given axis of evil. The Gülen Movement, which highly resembles the Catholic Opus Dei institution in Spain, bears a much more relentless enmity against the existent political power than the opposition political parties.
In conclusion, the greatest animosity against the president, who dares to resolve the Kurdish question against all odds, derives from the leader of the pro-Kurdish HDP and the reconciliation process seems to be sabotaged by Demirtaş's very hands.
About the author
İhsan Aktaş is Chairman of the Board of GENAR Research Company. He is an academic at the Department of Communication at Istanbul Medipol University.
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