Only a month ago, everything regarding Kurdish politics seemed quite positive. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) put aside the Dolmabahçe agreement before the elections and the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) won 80 seats in Parliament by exceeding the 10-percent election threshold by making use of this. So Kurdish politics did not pay a price, even though it did not fulfill the requirements of the reconciliation process. After the elections, the grounds for legitimacy on this sphere were still in favor of the HDP, and its potential to press the government on the matter of reforms seemed considerably high. However, a possibility that was met with hesitation at the time, since it was not very rational, has come true: It was revealed that the anti-AK Party stance of the HDP was a strategy of the PKK, and the organization was getting ready for a new period of conflict. With the announcements from the headquarters of the PKK in Qandil, the people were firstly called to "self-defense" demonstrations and then to a "revolutionary war of peoples." Following other murders, two police officers were killed while they were asleep at their homes, which was the signature of this new strategy. To put it briefly, the PKK, which has not adopted the reconciliation process at all, ended the cease-fire with a conscious decision.

But almost everyone was thinking that this possibility was even less rational following the election results. The HDP had a chance to prove that it was integrated into Turkey and it was obvious that every step it took in this regard would move Turkey one step closer to a resolution. The PKK turned down this advantage and preferred returning to war. But why? When looking at it from a political perspective, the first visible cause seems to be the unwillingness towards the settlement of a peaceful process and a disturbance felt towards the HDP, whose carrier role has increased. Qandil wanted to preserve its own function and power. But they had to make sure this act was possible, legitimate and credible. Consequently, the real question is on the strength of why the PKK took such a step. The answer indicates the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). The PKK administration probably thought that as long as the fight against ISIS continues, the U.S., which is the main decision-maker in the region, would side with them. It was probably thought that the long-time persistence of ISIS would impose pressure upon Turkey, which could pave the way for creating a chaotic atmosphere in the country. Maybe they were encouraged by the fact that the ridiculous discourse suggesting that "Turkey equals ISIS" found some supporters in the Western media. But apparently, the PKK was so sure that Turkey could not attempt an operation since it would have been prevented by the U.S.

Chasing such a dream is really irrational but not surprising at all. It seems that the PKK did not even comprehend that Turkey regards ISIS as a categorical enemy. They seemingly believed that some steps Turkey did or did not take in terms of strategic priorities were ideological. As a result of an inability to understand both the U.S. and Turkey, Kurdish politics seems to have deceived itself in the comfort zone of an extreme self-confidence that exaggerates the facilities and opportunities it has. A more dramatic situation lies behind this picture: This dreaminess that caused the PKK to act irrationally actually takes its root from a delayed nationalism. The belief that a truly historic moment has come after a hundred years of waiting makes the PKK extremely courageous yet superficial. The expectation that the 21st century will be the "century of the Kurds" reinforces the urge to use the seemingly obtained opportunities with a maximalist strategy. The PKK administration probably feels responsible to history and they have no doubt that their perseverance to found a state is in accordance with the "scientific law of history." However, it is not possible to have a truthful policy based on such a psychological state. For this reason, it is not surprising that they distort the facts ideologically and submit politics to a romantic revolutionism that exaggerates what they have. Now it is time for Kurds to "rethink" again.