Öcalan's invitation
Nevruz celebrations, which in the past symbolized the armed struggle and resistance of Kurds, have in the last two years become a token of peace, giving hope of a jointly created future
It was clear from the attitude of government authorities who take responsibility for the reconciliation process that they expected no surprises from the PKK's jailed leader, Abdullah Öcalan, since all of Öcalan's written messages have included consensus points that have previously been agreed upon as a result of direct or indirect talks between him and the government. In this respect, it can be said that the statement, which was read out in Turkish and Kurdish during Nevruz celebrations in Diyarbakır last Saturday, also reflects a view that is approved and supported by the government.
Although it is unlikely that the government fully agrees with Öcalan's statements about the nation-state, he struck a chord when he said that the divide-and-rule policy of imperialism pushes identities in Turkey and the Middle East into a shell, that the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) can be ultimately understood in connection with imperialism and that it is necessary to struggle with the destructive effects of nationalism. I would suggest that Öcalan's attribution of the requirement for a new era for "our religious beliefs and moral responsibility" was also appreciated by the government.
This background clearly shows that Öcalan's main message was addressed to the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the PKK leadership in the Qandil Mountains. Describing the current status as a historical threshold, Öcalan emphasized that while the past armed struggle was not in vain, it cannot be maintained as is. He invited the PKK leadership to hold a congress to announce the laying down of arms. As a prerequisite for such a congress, he stipulated agreement on the principles cited in the 10 articles he gave, which were jointly declared by the government and HDP representatives on Feb. 28. In other words, he suggested that it was enough to agree on the principles of the targets to be reached and the methods to be used rather than on the targets and methods themselves.
Öcalan's statement was not limited to this, as he also outlined the guidelines regarding the targets. He said that a permanent solution would be provided on the basis of "free and equal constitutional citizenship," underlining that the aim is to create a future that is intertwined with "a true peace and democratic criteria." Although Öcalan did not oppose the sovereignty of nation-states, he invited them to understand the spirit of the changing times and put forth the concept of "democratic cooperation." Keeping in mind the fact that this letter could not have been read in Diyarbakır without the government's approval, the sections referenced above must reflect the government's vision for the future, too. The terms that Öcalan used at the end of the letter illustrated how realistic this supposition is. The concepts of "revision, restoration and construction," which are also cited in the government's programs, highlighted that what Öcalan expects to be accomplished for the actualization of peace could be a part of the government's transformation strategy.
Consequently, it is now possible to say that great progress has been made in the reconciliation process. In the past two years, Nevruz celebrations, which were the symbol of the armed struggle and resistance in the past, have become a token of peace, a future that will be jointly created and the celebrations have even come to symbolize becoming a society for the first time. With the awareness that there is full popular support for the idea of peace, Öcalan extended an invitation to the HDP and PKK leadership now. The principles targets are certain, but there is still ambiguity about the guidelines and methods that will facilitate the transition to peace. Until a new constitution is created, the HDP has to work in connection with the government on certain legal and practical topics, and then it has to play a constructive role in the making of a new constitution. Likewise, in the upcoming period, the government is expected to maintain an attitude that is much more open to cooperation, dialogue and common solutions. The only question is to what extent the PKK leadership in the Qandil Mountains are ready for this new situation.
Although it is unlikely that the government fully agrees with Öcalan's statements about the nation-state, he struck a chord when he said that the divide-and-rule policy of imperialism pushes identities in Turkey and the Middle East into a shell, that the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) can be ultimately understood in connection with imperialism and that it is necessary to struggle with the destructive effects of nationalism. I would suggest that Öcalan's attribution of the requirement for a new era for "our religious beliefs and moral responsibility" was also appreciated by the government.
This background clearly shows that Öcalan's main message was addressed to the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the PKK leadership in the Qandil Mountains. Describing the current status as a historical threshold, Öcalan emphasized that while the past armed struggle was not in vain, it cannot be maintained as is. He invited the PKK leadership to hold a congress to announce the laying down of arms. As a prerequisite for such a congress, he stipulated agreement on the principles cited in the 10 articles he gave, which were jointly declared by the government and HDP representatives on Feb. 28. In other words, he suggested that it was enough to agree on the principles of the targets to be reached and the methods to be used rather than on the targets and methods themselves.
Öcalan's statement was not limited to this, as he also outlined the guidelines regarding the targets. He said that a permanent solution would be provided on the basis of "free and equal constitutional citizenship," underlining that the aim is to create a future that is intertwined with "a true peace and democratic criteria." Although Öcalan did not oppose the sovereignty of nation-states, he invited them to understand the spirit of the changing times and put forth the concept of "democratic cooperation." Keeping in mind the fact that this letter could not have been read in Diyarbakır without the government's approval, the sections referenced above must reflect the government's vision for the future, too. The terms that Öcalan used at the end of the letter illustrated how realistic this supposition is. The concepts of "revision, restoration and construction," which are also cited in the government's programs, highlighted that what Öcalan expects to be accomplished for the actualization of peace could be a part of the government's transformation strategy.
Consequently, it is now possible to say that great progress has been made in the reconciliation process. In the past two years, Nevruz celebrations, which were the symbol of the armed struggle and resistance in the past, have become a token of peace, a future that will be jointly created and the celebrations have even come to symbolize becoming a society for the first time. With the awareness that there is full popular support for the idea of peace, Öcalan extended an invitation to the HDP and PKK leadership now. The principles targets are certain, but there is still ambiguity about the guidelines and methods that will facilitate the transition to peace. Until a new constitution is created, the HDP has to work in connection with the government on certain legal and practical topics, and then it has to play a constructive role in the making of a new constitution. Likewise, in the upcoming period, the government is expected to maintain an attitude that is much more open to cooperation, dialogue and common solutions. The only question is to what extent the PKK leadership in the Qandil Mountains are ready for this new situation.
Last Update: March 25, 2015 01:49